Čo hovoríte na novú národnú bezpečnostnú stratégiu USA vo vzťahu k EÚ?

Odkaz: https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/2025-National-Security-Strategy.pdf

C. Promoting European Greatness

American officials have become used to thinking about European problems in

terms of insufficient military spending and economic stagnation. There is truth to

this, but Europe’s real problems are even deeper.

Continental Europe has been losing share of global GDP—down from 25 percent

in 1990 to 14 percent today—partly owing to national and transnational regulations

that undermine creativity and industriousness.

But this economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of

civilizational erasure. The larger issues facing Europe include activities of the

European Union and other transnational bodies that undermine political liberty and

sovereignty, migration policies that are transforming the continent and creating

strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering

birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence.

Should present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or

less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have

economies and militaries strong enough to remain reliable allies. Many of these

nations are currently doubling down on their present path. We want Europe to

remain European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence, and to abandon its

failed focus on regulatory suffocation.

This lack of self-confidence is most evident in Europe’s relationship with Russia.

European allies enjoy a significant hard power advantage over Russia by almost

every measure, save nuclear weapons. As a result of Russia’s war in Ukraine,

European relations with Russia are now deeply attenuated, and many Europeans

regard Russia as an existential threat. Managing European relations with Russia

will require significant U.S. diplomatic engagement, both to reestablish conditions

of strategic stability across the Eurasian landmass, and to mitigate the risk of

conflict between Russia and European states.

It is a core interest of the United States to negotiate an expeditious cessation of

hostilities in Ukraine, in order to stabilize European economies, prevent

unintended escalation or expansion of the war, and reestablish strategic stability

with Russia, as well as to enable the post-hostilities reconstruction of Ukraine to

enable its survival as a viable state.

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The Ukraine War has had the perverse effect of increasing Europe’s, especially

Germany’s, external dependencies. Today, German chemical companies are

building some of the world’s largest processing plants in China, using Russian gas

that they cannot obtain at home. The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with

European officials who hold unrealistic expectations for the war perched in

unstable minority governments, many of which trample on basic principles of

democracy to suppress opposition. A large European majority wants peace, yet that

desire is not translated into policy, in large measure because of those governments’

subversion of democratic processes. This is strategically important to the

United States precisely because European states cannot reform themselves if they

are trapped in political crisis.

Yet Europe remains strategically and culturally vital to the United States.

Transatlantic trade remains one of the pillars of the global economy and of

American prosperity. European sectors from manufacturing to technology to

energy remain among the world’s most robust. Europe is home to cutting-edge

scientific research and world-leading cultural institutions. Not only can we not

afford to write Europe off—doing so would be self-defeating for what this strategy

aims to achieve.

American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom

of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual

character and history. America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote

this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed

gives cause for great optimism.

Our goal should be to help Europe correct its current trajectory. We will need a

strong Europe to help us successfully compete, and to work in concert with us to

prevent any adversary from dominating Europe.

America is, understandably, sentimentally attached to the European continent—

and, of course, to Britain and Ireland. The character of these countries is also

strategically important because we count upon creative, capable, confident,

democratic allies to establish conditions of stability and security. We want to work

with aligned countries that want to restore their former greatness.

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Over the long term, it is more than plausible that within a few decades at the latest,

certain NATO members will become majority non-European. As such, it is an open

question whether they will view their place in the world, or their alliance with the

United States, in the same way as those who signed the NATO charter.

Our broad policy for Europe should prioritize:

• Reestablishing conditions of stability within Europe and strategic stability

with Russia;

• Enabling Europe to stand on its own feet and operate as a group of aligned

sovereign nations, including by taking primary responsibility for its own

defense, without being dominated by any adversarial power;

• Cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European

nations;

• Opening European markets to U.S. goods and services and ensuring fair

treatment of U.S. workers and businesses;

• Building up the healthy nations of Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe

through commercial ties, weapons sales, political collaboration, and cultural

and educational exchanges;

• Ending the perception, and preventing the reality, of NATO as a perpetually

expanding alliance; and

• Encouraging Europe to take action to combat mercantilist overcapacity,

technological theft, cyber espionage, and other hostile economic practices