Alexios round two electric boogaloo, Part 9: Home Again

Relatives of Alexios II 'the younger' Komnenos.

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June 1150

The celebrations of victory in Antioch were not to last long for some members of the Roman army. During that month John Axouch, the Megas Domestikos, passed away from natural causes. The man who had been like an uncle to the imperial brothers now left them deeply dejected, Isaac in particular, for his close relationship with the man was completely deflated in spirit. John's son, Alexios Axouch, was struck with so much sorrow that he had confined himself to his tent, unwilling to speak to or see anyone. That was not even accounting for all the sorrow that would come with informing John's daughter Eudokia and the imperial princesses (the sisters of the emperor) who were no less attached to the Turkish domestikos. Even the emperor's uncle Isaac expressed some remorse for the old man's death, though the two had drifted apart decades ago due to Isaac's failed usurpation there had still been an undeniable bond forged in their assistance of John II's rule that meant even the old man's heart was crushed at Axouch's passing.

Alexios for his part could do nothing more from the confines of his bed than sending his mournful Sebastokrator and Kaisar with the body via ship to be buried in Constantinople. It was during this time that he was also visited by Princess Constance, the 22 year old princess had brought her sincere condolences and unsurprisingly her 2-year old son Bohemond. It was over the next few hours, with the presence of no one but his Pinkernes, that the two engaged in a prolonged conversation over many matters both personal and political. Eventually she worked up the spirit to explain her presence: she had been concerned with the rights of herself and her son.

Given that her husband had barely escaped with his life at Inab she was moved to take more assured measures in retaining her control of the Principality. In any such case she could not afford to go without Alexios's support.

The emperor for his part initially feigned offence at the request at a time like this, it was only when she started profusely apologising that he started laughing and assured her that he was only playing around (albeit with an ambiguous edge just to keep her wondering).

Already weary from illness and the loss of Axouch, Alexios assured her that Bohemond would be treated as an imperial vassal just as she and her husband were and that he would recognise no other Prince of Antioch as legitimate. Of course he was not going to fully drop such an important conversation without having made a side offer. Should she wish he would gladly accept the surrender of Antioch and her dominions in exchange for resettlement elsewhere, with titles, revenues, the right to maintain her Latin rite and a court of her own and even an imperial marriage for her son.

Constance certainly did a good job at hiding her reaction to such an offer and declined stating that she alone could not make such a decision. Having sensed that he could press her no further Alexios allowed her to leave. Truthfully he had no intent of allowing Antioch to continue on without slowly falling into the pit of direct annexation, but out of the pragmatism that'd been instilled into him and some modicum of affection for the woman that might've once been his sister-in-law he'd allow Antioch to go on as it was for the time being.

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July 1150

Thankfully by the end of June Alexios's sickness had subsided and the Roman fleet had arrived with transports for the wounded, sick and his Serbians. Alexios himself departed Antioch in early July after extracting his war chest from the citadel and bidding good fortune unto the city and its rulers. With 14,000 or so troops that he could not stowaway on his ships he began the march back home. It was surprisingly late after the end of the campaign that Alexios learned of another misfortune that'd struck the family with one of the officers, the husband of his niece Eudokia, having died on campaign. Now seeing yet another of his brothers struck with grief, this time his usually level-headed and unfazeable brother Andronikos, he had an official provision a ship for Andronikos to take his son-in-law's body back to the capital faster.

With only Manuel left by his side it provided a brutally stark contrast, the jubilant mood of the victorious army against that of a recently battered family. It was to the point that the idea of a triumph being held was in question though Manuel insisted that they use it as an occasion to commemorate the dead as much as their victory. Having relented to the idea Alexios had continued the march home through southern Anatolia. Several days into their march a dangerous thought had manifested in Manuel's mind, the notion of demanding the fealty of the Seljuqs of Ikonion and marching the Roman army though the Anatolian plateau as both a shortcut and show of force. Naturally, their cousin Andronikos backed up Manuel's suggestion, as did many eager young officers. The result was a bit of schism with the increasingly irritated Andronikos Euphorbenos and several Taxiarches engaging in a debate against Manuel and the proponents of his idea.

Alexios had initially tried to calm his officers by asserting his incontrovertible plan and demanding unquestioned obeisance. Once he had learned of continued dissent to the safer path and even rumours of officers planning to confront and petition him yet again to take the route he took firmer action. He ordered the army to engage in a prayer meeting on a field adjacent to their camp. He then asked each man to meditate on his own sound judgement and then apportion themselves accordingly with those advocating for the safer route and those opting for the Turkish route. Once the vast majority of the men clearly tossed their support to the older officers the case was dismissed and just to reinforce his point Alexios offered to let the opposition continue on with just their own number, the thinly veiled threat was enough for any remaining support disintegrate amongst the men.

Regardless, it was still a point of frustration for the emperor, to have his own officers and men undermining his plans. Even if they were well-intentioned he could not abide by such glory seeking tendencies, at least not when they risked souring a great strategic victory like the one they had earlier.

Unfortunately Alexios was to meet the Turks whether he liked it or not. When the army replicated its previous three-route marching plan he once again led the column farthest inland (partly out of fear that some rogue would inspire his men to go fight some Turks). Just like last time he incurred an ambuscade, this time his formation was better prepared, but many camp followers, having been delayed by the flooding of a small stream along their route, were left lagging behind. Though he was unsure of the Turkish foreknowledge on Roman positions he could not allow his subjects to be taken by the callous marauders.

So he bade his personal guards, a dozen or so Vestiaritai and a small group of Vardariotai to head back on the route and escort the civilians while a Tagmatophylax raced ahead to warn the followers if they hadn't been attacked already. Providentially, there had not yet been an attack, but the Turks had no doubt taken notice of the emperor in his peacock-feathered helmet and purple epilorikion and the most dauntless amongst them had pursued.

The result was half an hour of desperate struggle during which the emperor fought like a man possessed until his epilorikion was drenched in red. Once the skirmish was over several marauders were beheaded with said heads being taken ahead by some cavalrymen mounted on spear tips. The rest of the marauders, upon seeing the returning rear guard carrying lances with the heads of the best of them mounted on top naturally abandoned their folly thus giving a long awaited respite for the Romans.

Through the chaos of the ambush it had not escaped the notice of Andronikos that some of his father Isaac's men had maintained a suspiciously close hovering over some carts in the baggage train. Despite the fact that those specific carts were well-guarded and the fact that their master was elsewhere fighting for his life just like any other man.

However, he'd thought nothing of it besides an offhanded complaint to Manuel soon after they made camp. Manuel himself maintained no particular suspicion but upon closer inspection by one of his retinue it became clear that the men had been hovering around the cart containing the emperor's regalia. When word eventually reached Alexios there was finally some warranted suspicion around the whole affair. While he wasn't inclined to throw accusations he certainly recognised the play, especially given that he had clearly been in the heart of battle and thus conveniently disposed to sudden death. That was enough for him to move the regalia to a different wagon and make greater haste out of harms way.

Eventually he reached Lopadion, here he disbanded much of the army and sent many more to Constantinople and preparations for the triumph were started by the Eparch. It was also around this time that a senatorial proposition reached Alexios's lap, this time suggesting that since the consulship had been revived that it would only be fitting that the first two Hypatoi be the Basileus Autokrator and Basileus John. Given that he had no other candidates in mind he accepted the offer though insisted that no celebrations would be held in order to economise with the exception of two diptychs being commissioned.

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September-November 1150

With the arrival of the imperial army the planned triumph was held with the host entering the city though the Portus Aurea, followed by the older Portus Aurea and then the various forums and ending with thanksgiving at Hagia Sophia much in the same vein as his father's triumph. Albeit instead of overseeing the Hippodrome races he instead had to tend to his grief-stricken niece and ensure that Eudokia Axouchina, Alexios Axouch and other family and dependents of John Axouch were taken care of.

Once that issue had been handled a meeting of his fiscal officials was convened. Naturally there wasn't any surprising news, the treasury had been squeezed by celebratory and campaign expenses but not cripplingly so, and the tax cuts he'd instituted had done well in promoting economic expansion in the provinces. One particular issue drawn up was the conduct of the new Kourator of Philopatium. The man, who had been appointed at the recommendation of Eparch, had a conduct that some had found disconcerting. He hadn't done anything wrong per se but one of his measures of gaining revenue was by building and renting out ships to merchants and engaging in large amounts of mercantile activity to generate profits. While hardly an issue the main concern was associating the direct financing of the imperial family with mercantile activity which had a certain stigma about it for a select few regardless of the results. There had also been the man's small scale moneylending, usually of a few dozen Hyperpyra to small and medium landowners to improve their capital. Specifically with his reckless risk taking which some feared could lead to losses, worse still due to the low interest on the loans.

However, the man was doing a good job in Alexios's eyes and besides some personal principles he cared little for there was nothing to be done so long as he produced results. This was especially the case in his desire to begin expanding both state revenue and personal revenue. So during this period reforms were instituted to do exactly that. First was the re-establishment of the Eidikon, but since Alexios wanted to retain the efficiencies from his grandfather's bureaucratic trimming he opted to do so at a much smaller scale. For now it would simply contain some special objects as a treasury, notably was the so called 'jewels fund', based on an allowance of 800 Hyperpyra a year the new Epi tou Eidikou would procure various gems, pearls, and other precious materials on top of those deposited from campaign loot. Ideally this would act as a value store to be pawned off during disasters, or in more peaceful times be rented out to people who didn't want to spend exorbitant sums buying jewels outright. One such case could be renting out jewels to jewellers to make a wedding crown for a wealthy couple or temporary jewellery for special events.

Another reform would be the expansion of state exports, more specifically the state would finance the creation of additional workshops for various Episkepseis and Kouratoriai to either rent out to entrepreneurs or to manufacture high value goods for export. Klasmatic land, that is abandoned land that has been appropriated due to no present owner claiming it, would also be sold off to smallholders and medium landowners packaged with 5 year tax exemptions. This way the state would lose no immediate revenue because the land wasn't generating taxes and in the long term farmers could reap some untaxed profit which they could reinvest as capital to improve their yields and thus taxable incomes. In this particular regard both ecclesiastical and provincial officials were urged to agglomerate infrastructure like irrigation channels to hasten this process.

Of course economic development is no good without peace to ensure it can mature. So in that regard he tried to buy some time. In celebration of Roman-Serb relations he issued a chrysobull that would exempt all Serbians from taxes on commerce for one year. In doing so he hoped not only to create stronger trade with his vassals, but also to strongarm Uros II into staying in line lest he risk a year of great prosperity for his own realm. He also contracted the Venetians to maintain a small squadron of ships at Dyrrhachium so as to deter or quickly detain any Norman piratical raids.

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November-December 1150

With the winter season now in full swing most of Alexios's workload was released. No harvest reports, martial tasks or lavish affairs like hunts. The next major tasks related to work he did indulge were the appointment of a new Megas Domestikos and taking care of the Great Palace. For the former he promoted one Michael Bourtzes, the interim Protostrator to the rank as a placeholder, in his old office he installed Alexios Axouch in an attempt to give him work as a distraction from his personal strife.

As for the latter he instituted a ritualistic cleaning routine for the palace, wherein all men, regardless of rank, would partake in its cleaning. Of course the official message would be one of pious humility and healthy practices. The truth was that it was cheaper extracting free labour en mass, especially if it meant being able to more thoroughly clean everything like the disease-riddled drains that endangered the staff's health if left uncleaned long enough.

Beyond this work he spent more time indulging personal activities. Reading history, negotiations for John's marriage, and trying whenever he could to help comfort his widowed niece. But like all the sleepless Caesars before him he could not restrain the recesses of his mind from the plague of anxiety for his plans. With Nur ad-Din having received an 8-year truce with the Latins he would surely return with greater numbers, money and experience. Perhaps this time he would even take Antioch once and for all.

So the Georgian marriage that'd been floated years ago was fast-tracked. He would need allies, Georgia was his best bet. They were closer in proximity, both in rite and in geography to the emperor and thus so detached from the Catholics that their only binding point to a greater Christian alliance and thus only ally in the wider east would be the Romans. No back room dealings or political intrigue to worry about, even better was the fact that the Caucasian princes had provided women for marriage before. His cousin Alexios Bryennios Komnenos was married to Princess Kata of Georgia and his uncle Isaac to the Princess Eirene (though that was hardly a functional marriage, much less functional family).

King Demetrius had been initially considering his daughter Tamar for other young suitors but given her close age to John and his status as the most prominent potential suitor the match was confirmed. Soon after a prostagma was issued in copies to the Doukes of Chaldia, Armeniakon, Paphlagonia, Boukellarion and the Optimatoi to arrange 'a most delightful and exuberant procession in honour of our soon-to-be Basilissa so she may know, from the moment she takes her first steps into Rhomania, how much love and adoration she shall be accorded from our subjects'.

Once she did arrive the wedding ceremony was held at Hagia Sophia. There the young Tamar was crowned Basilissa of the Romans, though the title of Augusta would be withheld for Eupraxia's sole use. The man who had negotiated this marriage, John Hagiotheodorites was appointed as an informal Mesazon in place of Axouch, to him the emperor granted 3 years to organise the new wave of economic developments.

To aid him he appointed John Poutza, his father's financial chief to the rank of Logothete ton Sekreton and Megas Logariastes ton Sekreton. From this position he would allow more experienced and capable men handle more intricate reforms while he would visit the provinces in the upcoming year and tend to his subjects in person.

Though while Alexios's government had reached a seemingly happy equilibrium his family continued to be a sour spot. This time with Manuel and his wife Bertha-Eirene, while Manuel was the wild adventurous and at times hedonistic prince Bertha was his polar opposite. She shunned some of the more 'frivolous vanities' of the women at court and was rather unfairly considered to be a 'dull prude' by some ladies. She had done well for herself in ingratiating herself with Alexios and Eupraxia but seemed utterly incapable of emphatically demanding the attention, much less persistent interest, of her husband.

One particularly rough scandal had been Manuel's supposed interactions with a Koubikoularia who had captured and maintained his interest. When confronted by Alexios and the Patriarch Michael he had vehemently denied any physical wrongdoing, the emphasis on physical was not lost on the Patriarch who implored Manuel to confess to any other behaviour before it was too late and repent. Once this was done the two older men thought the matter had been concluded. It was only in November that they learned of yet another dalliance though its extent remained unknown to them and Manuel had rather insultingly opted to act like he was ignorant to the ordeal.

Having already lost his patience Alexios admonished him again stating ‘you have a wife to whom you owe your fidelity, God forbid I shall have to treat you like an insolent child that must meet the strap for every stray glance you give to women who ought not be the object of your lust’. The outburst, which would put even Isaac's temper to shame, had been enough to stall any further misadventures on Manuel's part, though the effect was perhaps eroded by Alexios's subsequent apology as a way of avoiding garnering his younger brother's enmity.

Nevertheless it finally seemed to resolve all the immediate family problems left that any man short of the divine could rectify. With Christmas day passing in a blur of activity the imperial administration in the Queen of Cities now redirected its focus inwards to bringing about a second wave of riches to the Basileia.

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