Lecture XI: The conquest of Western Palestine — Battle of Beth-horon
by Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D. D.
The battle of Beth-horon or Gibeon is one of the
most important in the history of the world;
and yet so profound has been the indiffer-
ence, first of the religious world, and then (through
their example or influence) of the common world, to
the historical study of the Hebrew annals, that the
very name of this great battle is far less known to
most of us than that of Marathon or Cannæ.
It is one of the few military engagements which
belong equally to Ecclesiastical and to Civil History
— which have decided equally the fortunes of the
world and of the Church. The roll will be complete
if to this we add two or three more which we shall
encounter in the Jewish History; and, in later times,
the battle of the Milvian Bridge, which involved the
fall of Paganism; the battle of Poitiers, which sealed
the fall of Arianism; the battle of Bedr, which se-
cured the rise of Mahometanism in Asia; the battle
of Tours, which checked the spread of Mahometanism
in Western Europe; the battle of Lepanto, which
checked it in Eastern Europe; the battle of Lutzen,
which determined the balance of power between Ro-
man Catholicism and Protestantism in Germany.
The kings of Palestine, each in his little mountain
fastness, — like the kings of early Greece, crowded
thick together in the plains of Argos and of Thebes,
when they were summoned to the Trojan war, —
were roused by the tidings that the approaches to
their territory in the Jordan valley and in the passes
leading from it were in the hand of the enemy.
Those who occupied the south felt that the crisis
was yet more imminent when they heard of the ca-
pitulation of Gibeon. Jebus, or Jerusalem, even in
those ancient times, was recognized as their centre.
Its chief took the lead of the hostile confederacy.
The point of attack, however, was not the invading
army, but the traitors at home. Gibeon, the
recreant city, was besieged. The continuance
or the raising of the siege, as in the case of Orleans
in the fifteenth century, and Vienna in the seven-
teenth, became the turning question of the war. The
summons of the Gibeonites to Joshua was as urgent
as words can describe, and gives the key-note to the
whole movement. "Slack not thy hand from thy
servants; come up to us quickly, and save us, and
help us; for all the kings of the Amorites that
dwell in the mountains are gathered together against
us." Not a moment was to be lost. As in the bat-
tle of Marathon, everything depended on the sudden-
ness of the blow which should break in pieces the
hostile confederation. On the former occasion of
Joshua's visit to Gibeon, it had been three days'
journey from Gilgal, as according to the slow pace
of eastern armies and caravans it might well be. But
now, by a forced march, "Joshua came unto them
suddenly, and went up from Gilgal all night." When
the sun rose behind him, he was already in the open
ground at the foot of the heights of Gibeon, where
the kings were encamped (according to tradition)
by a spring in the neighborhood. The towering hill
at the foot of which Gibeon lay, rose before them on
the west. The besieged and the besiegers alike were
taken by surprise.
As often before and after, so now, "not a man
could stand before" the awe and the panic
of the sudden sound of that terrible shout —
the sudden appearance of that undaunted host, who
came with the assurance not "to fear, nor to be dis-
mayed, but to be strong and of a good courage, for
the Lord had delivered their enemies into their
hands." The Canaanites fled down the western pass,
and "the Lord discomfited them before Israel, and
slew them with a great slaughter at Gibeon, and
chased them along the way that goeth up to Beth-
horon." This was the first stage of the flight. It
is a long rocky ascent, sinking and rising more than
once, before the summit is reached. From the sum-
mit, which is crowned by the village of Upper Beth-
horon, a wide view opens over the valley of Ajalon,
of "Stags" or "Gazelles," which runs in from the
plain of Sharon. Jaffa, Ramleh, Lydda, are all visible
beyond.
"And it came to pass as they fled before Israel,
and were in the going down to Beth-horon,
that the Lord cast down great stones from
heaven upon them unto Azekah. This was the
second stage of the flight. The fugitives had out-
stripped the pursuers; they had crossed the high ridge
of Beth-horon the Upper; they were in full flight to
Beth-horon the Nether. It is a rough, rocky road,
sometimes over the upturned edges of limestone
strata, sometimes over sheets of smooth rock, some-
times over loose rectangular stones, sometimes over
steps cut in the rock. It was as they fled
down this slippery descent, that, as in the fight of
Barak against Sisera, a fearful tempest, "thunder,
lightning, and a deluge of hail," broke over the
disordered ranks; "they were more which died of the
hailstones than they whom the children of Israel
slew with the sword."
So, as it would seem, ended the direct narrative of
this second stage of the flight. But at this point, as
in the case of the defeat of Sisera, we have one of
those openings, as it were, in the structure of the
Sacred history, which reveal to us a glimpse of an-
other, probably an older, version, lying below the sur-
face of the narrative. In the victory of Barak, we
have the whole account, first in prose and then in
verse. Here we have, in like manner, first, the prose
account; and then, either the same events, or the
events immediately following, related in poetry —
taken from one of the lost books of the original
canon of the Jewish Church, the Book of Jasher.
On the summit of the pass, where is now the ham-
let of the Upper Beth-horon, looking far down
the deepest descent of the Western valleys, with
the green vale of Ajalon stretched out in the dis-
tance, and the wide expanse of the Mediterranean
Sea beyond, stood, as is intimated, the Israelite chief.
Below him was rushing down, in wild confusion, the
Amorite host. Around him were "all his people of
war, and all his mighty men of valor." Behind him
were the hills which hid Gibeon — the now rescued
Gibeon — from his sight. But the sun stood high
above those hills, "in the midst of heaven," for the
day had now far advanced, since he had emerged
from his night-march through the passes of Ai; and
in front, over the western vale of Ajalon, may have
been the faint crescent of the waning moon, visible
above the hailstorm driving up from the sea in the
black distance. Was the enemy to escape in safety,
or was the speed with which Joshua had " come
quickly, and saved and helped" his defenceless allies,
to be rewarded, before the close of that day, by a sig-
nal and decisive victory?
It is doubtless so standing on that lofty eminence,
with outstretched hand and spear, as on the hill above
Ai, that the Hero appears in the ancient song of the
Book of Heroes.
Then spake Joshua unto JEHOVAH
In the day 'that God gave up the Amorite
Into the hand of Israel,'
When He discomfited them in Gibeon,
'And they were discomfited before the face of Israel.'
And Joshua said:
'Be thou still,' O Sun, upon Gibeon,
And, thou Moon, upon the valley of Ajalon!
And the Sun was still,
And the Moon stood,
Until 'the nation' had avenged them upon their
enemies.
And the sun stood 'in the very midst' of the heavens,
And hasted not to go down for a whole day.
And there was no day like that before it or after it,
That JEHOVAH heard the voice of a man,
For JEHOVAH fought for Israel.
And Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, unto the camp in Gilgal."
So ended the second stage of the flight. In the
lengthened day thus given to Joshua's prayer,
comes the third stage. "The Lord smote them
to Azekah and unto Makkedah, and these five kings
fled and hid themselves in the cave at Makkedah."
But Joshua halted not when he was told; the same
speed was still required, — the victory was not yet
won. The mouth of the cave was blocked by huge
stones, and a guard stationed to watch it whilst the
pursuit was continued. We know not pre-
cisely the position of Makkedah; but it must
have been, probably, at the point where the
mountains sink into the plain, that this last struggle
took place; and thither, at last, "all the people of
Israel returned to peace; none moved his tongue
against any of the people of Israel." A camp was
formed round the royal hiding-place. It was a well-
known cave, "the cave," overshadowed by a grove
of trees. The five kings were dragged out of its re-
cesses for the first time, to the gaze of their enemies.
Their names and cities were handed down in various
versions to later times. Hoham or Elam, of Hebron;
Piram or Phidon, of Jarmuth; Japhia or Jephtha, of
Lachish; Dabir or Debir, either of Eglon or Adullam,
and their leader, Adoni-zedek or Adoni-bezek, of Jeru-
salem. If the former ("the Lord of Righteousness") is
the name, it suggests a confirmation of the tradition
that the Salem where Melchi-zedek, "the King of
Righteousness" reigned, was Jerusalem, thus confer-
ring on its rulers a kind of hereditary designation. If
the latter, he must have had a connection, more or less
close, with the terrible chief who had seventy cap-
tive princes grovelling under his table, after the sav-
age custom of Oriental despots. An awe is described
as falling on the Israelite warriors, when they saw
the prostrate kings. At the Conqueror's bidding, they
draw near; and according to the usage portrayed in
the monuments of Assyria and Egypt, planted their
feet on the necks of their enemies. It was reserved
for Joshua himself to slay them. The dead bodies
were hung aloft, each on its own separate tree, be-
side the cave, and remained (so it would seem) "un-
til the evening," when, at last, the memorable sun
"went down." The cave where they had been hid
became the royal sepulchre. The stones which on
that self-same day had cut them off from escape,
closed the mouth of their tomb; and the destruction
of the neighboring town of Makkedah "on that day"
completed their dreadful obsequies.
So ended the day to which, in the words of the
ancient sacred song, "there was no day like, before
or after it." The possession of every place, sacred for
them and for all future ages, through the whole centre
and south of Palestine, — Shechem, Shiloh, Gibeon,
Bethlehem, Hebron, and even for a time, Jerusalem,
was the issue of the conflict. "And all these kings
and their land did Joshua take one at a time, because
the Lord God fought for Israel." "And Joshua re-
turned, and all Israel with him, unto the camp to
Gilgal." It is the only incident of this period ex-
pressly noticed in the later books of the Old Testa-
ment. "The Lord shall rise up as in Mount Perazim;
"He shall be wroth as in the valley by Gibeon." The
very day of the week was fixed in later tradi-
tions. With the Samaritans it was Thursday;
with the Mussulmans it was Friday; and this has
been given as a reason for that day being chosen as
the sacred day of Islam.
Immediately upon its close, follows the rapid suc-
cession of victory and extermination which swept the
whole of Southern Palestine into the hands of Israel.
It is probable, indeed, from what follows, either that
the subjugation and destruction were less complete
than this narrative would imply, or that the deeds of
Joshua's companions and successors are here ascribed
to himself and to this time. But the concentration
of the interest of the conquest on this one event, if
not chronologically exact, yet no doubt justly repre-
sents the feeling that this was the one decisive bat-
tle, involving all the other consequences in its train.
There are two difficulties which have been occa-
sioned by this event, or rather by its inter-
pretation, which have not been without influence on
the history of the Christian Church.
I. The first has arisen from the words of Joshua,
"Sun, 'be thou still' on Gibeon, and thou,
Moon, over the valley of Ajalon:" or, as
read in the Vulgate, which first gave the offence,
"Sun, move not thou toward Gibeon, nor thou, Moon,
towards the valley of Ajalon." These words in the
Book of Joshua were doubtless intended to express
that in some manner, in answer to Joshua's earnest
prayer, the day was prolonged till the victory was
achieved. How, or in what way, we are not told,
and if we take the words in the popular and poetical
sense in which from their style it is clear that they
are used. there is no occasion for inquiry. That some
such general sense is what was understood in the
ancient Jewish Church itself, is evident from the
slight emphasis laid upon the incident by Josephus,
and the Samaritan Book of Joshua; and from the ab-
sense of any subsequent allusion to it (unless, indeed,
in a similar poetic strain) in the Old or New Testa-
ment. But in later times men were not content with-
out taking them in their literal, prosaic sense, and
supposing that the sun and the moon actually stood
still, and that the system of the universe was arrested.
It was this interpretation which invested the passage
with a new and alarming importance when the Coper-
nican system was set forth by Galileo; when it ap-
peared that the sun, being always stationary, could
not be said to stand still or to move. Round this
famous prayer was fought a battle of words in eccle-
siastical history, hardly less important than the battle
of Joshua and the Canaanites. It raged through the
lifetime of Galileo; its last direct traces appear in the
preface of the Jesuits to their edition of Newton's
Principia, defending themselves for their apparent, but
(as they state) only hypothetical, sanction of a theory
which, by supposing the earth's motion, runs counter
to the Papal decrees. It continues still in the terrors
awakened in many religious minds by the analogous
collision between the letter of Scripture and the ad-
vances of science in geology, ethnology, and philol-
ogy. But, in fact, the victory was won in the per-
son of Galileo. Even the Court of Rome has since
admitted its mistake. It is now universally acknowl-
edged that on that occasion "the astronomers were
right and the theologians were wrong." The prin-
ciple was then once for all established, that the Bible
was not intended to teach scientific truth. This inci-
dent in the Sacred narrative has thus, instead of a
stumbling-block, become a monument of the recon-
ciliation of religion and science; and the advance in
our knowledge of the Bible since that time has still
further tended to diminish the collision which then
seemed so frightful, because it has shown us far more
clearly than could be seen in former times, that the
language employed is not only popular but poeti-
cal and rhythmical; and that the attempt to inter-
pret it scientifically is based on a total misconception
of the intention of the words themselves. But, even
with the imperfect knowledge of Biblical criticism
then possessed, the defence of their position by the
two great astronomers sums up the question in terms
which not only meet the whole of this case, but ap-
ply to any further questions of the kind which may
meet us hereafter.
Galileo, with the caution which belonged to his char-
acter and situation, mainly relies on the author-
ity of others. But these were almost the high-
est that he could have named. The first is Baronius, the
chief ecclesiastical historian of the Roman Church: "The
intention of Holy Scripture is to show us how to go
to heaven, not to show us how the heaven goeth."
The second was Jerome, the author of the most ven-
erable translation of the Bible: "Many things are
spoken in Scripture according to the judgment of
those times wherein they were acted, and not ac-
cording to that which truth contained."
Kepler, with that union of courage and piety which
marks his whole career, explains the text him-
self. "They will not understand that the only
thing which Joshua prayed for, was that the moun-
tains might not intercept the sun from him. Be-
sides, it has been very unreasonable at this time to
think of astronomy, or of the errors of sight; for if
any one had told him that the sun could not really
move on the valley of Ajalon, but only in relation to
sense, would not Joshua have answered that his de-
sire was that the day might be prolonged, so it were
by any means whatsoever?"
So far the wise astronomer speaks of the actual his-
toric incident. But I may be excused for adding the
conclusions of his treatise, in words equally profitable to
the learned and the unlearned student. "He who is so
stupid as to not comprehend the science of astron-
omy, or so weak as to think it an offence of piety
to adhere to Copernicus, him I advise — that, leav-
ing the study of astronomy and censuring the opin-
ions of philosophers at pleasure, he betake himself
to his own concerns, and that desisting from further
pursuit of those intricate studies, he keep at home
and manure his own ground; and with those eyes
wherewith he alone seeth, being elevated towards this
much-to-be-admired heaven, let him pour forth his
whole heart in thanks and praises to God the Cre-
ator, and assure himself that he shall therein per-
form as much worship to God as the astronomer on
whom God hath bestowed this gift, that though he
seeth more clearly with the eye of his understand-
ing, yet whatever he hath attained to he is both
able and willing to behold his God above it.
"Thus much concerning Scripture. Now as touch-
ing the authority of the Fathers. Sacred was Lac-
tantius, who denied the earth's rotundity: sacred was
Augustine, who admitted the earth to be round but
denied the antipodes: sacred is the liturgy of our
moderns, who admit the smallness of the earth but
deny its motion. But to me more sacred than all
these is — TRUTH."
II. The second difficulty is that which belongs to the
general question of the extermination of the Ca-
naanites; but which is brought out so much
more forcibly by the detail of the successive
massacres which followed the battle of Beth-horon,
that this seems the best place for considering it.
There are few who hear the closing scenes of the
10th chapter of the Book of Joshua read without ask-
ing how such a total extirpation could have been car-
ried out without the demoralization of those concerned
or how any sanction to it could be given in a book
claiming to be, at least, one stage in the Divine rev-
elations.
Many explanations have been given — the denial
of the fact, the treatment of the whole as an allegory,
the alleged parallels in the promiscuous destruction of
human life by earthquake and pestilence.
It is believed, however, that most reflecting minds
will acquiesce in the general truth of an answer
given long ago by Chrysostom, and founded on
the express and fundamental teaching of Christ and
his Apostles.
He is speaking of the verse in the 139th Psalm,
— "I hate them with a perfect hatred," and wishes
to reconcile it with the duty of Christian charity.
"Now," he says, "a higher philosophy is required of
us than of them. . . . For thus they are ordered to
hate not only impiety, but the persons of the im-
pious, lest their friendship should be an occasion of
going astray. Therefore he cut off all intercourse,
and freed them on every side."
The difference in this respect between the Old and
New dispensation is laid down in the strongest
manner by the Lord himself.
"Ye have heard that it hath been said, An eye for
an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: but I say unto you,
That ye resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite
thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other
also."
"Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt
love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy. But I say
unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse
you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for
them which despitefully use you, and persecute you;
that ye may be the children of your Father which is
in heaven: for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil
and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and
on the unjust."
"And when His disciples James and John saw this,
they said, Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to
come down from heaven, and consume them, even as
Elijah did? But He turned, and rebuked them, and
said, "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of.
For the Son of man is not come to destroy men's
lives, but to save them."
And further, that this inferiority of the Old dispen-
sation was an acknowledged element in the
"gradualness and partialness" of Revelation,
inevitably flows from the definition of Reve-
lation as given by the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews. "God who at sundry times and in divers
manners spake in times past to our fathers."
How necessary this accommodation may have been
to that rude age, we see from analogous
instances in later history. Not only in the
ancient world do we read, even approvingly, of like
conduct in the Homeric or the early Roman heroes,
but even in Christian times we can point to cases in
which no shock has been given to the general moral
sense by an impulse or command of the destructive
character, and in which the general moral character
has risen above this particular depression of its hu-
maner instincts. I refer not merely to the darker
periods of Christendom, more nearly resembling the
Judaic spirit of the age of Joshua, but even to our
own. We have no right to find objections to these
portions of the Old Testament, when we acknowledge
the same feelings in ourselves or others without repro-
bation. Two instances may suffice.
(1.) In the late Indian mutiny, at the time when
the belief in the Sepoy atrocities (since ex-
ploded) prevailed throughout India, it will be
in the memory f some that letters were received
from India, from conscientious and religious men, con-
taining phrases to this effect. "The Book of Joshua is
now being read in church" (in the season when this
chapter forms one of the first Lessons of the services
of the Church of England). "It expresses exactly
what we are all feeling. I never before understood
the force of that part of the Bible. It is the only
rule for us to follow." I do not quote this senti-
ment to approve of it. I quote it to show that
what could be felt, even for a moment, by civilized
Christendom now, might well be pardoned, or even
commended, in Jewish soldiers three thousand years
ago.
(2.) Oliver Cromwell, in the storming of Drogheda,
ordered an almost promiscuous massacre of
the Irish inhabitants. Of the act itself I do
not speak. It is now generally admitted that
the Puritans attached an undue authority to the de-
tails of the Jewish Scriptures. But the point to be
observed is, that Cromwell's act has received a high
eulogy in our own time from one who, as well by his
genius and learning as by his command of the sym-
pathies of the rising generation, in a great measure
represents the most advanced intelligence of our age.
"Oliver's proceedings here have been the theme of
much loud criticism, and sibylline execration, into
which it is not our plan to enter at present. Ter-
rible surgery this; but is it surgery and judgment,
or atrocious murder merely? That is a question
which should be asked, and answered. Oliver Crom-
well did believe in God's judgments; and did not
believe in the rose-water plan of surgery; — which,
in fact, is this editor's case too!
"The reader of Cromwell's Letters, . . . who still
looks with a recognizing eye on the ways of the
Supreme Powers with this world, will find here, in
the rude practical state, a phenomenon which he
will account noteworthy. An armed soldier, solemnly
conscious to himself that he is a soldier of God
the Just, — a consciousness which it well beseems
all soldiers and all men to have always, — armed
soldiers, terrible as Death, relentless as Doom; doing
God's judgments on the enemies of God! It is a
phenomenon not of joyful nature; no, but of aw-
ful, to be looked at with pious terror and awe."
Finally, whether we justify this or any like applica-
tion of Joshua's example in later times, there
remains (as, indeed, is implied in the passage
just quoted) one permanent lesson, — the duty of
keeping alive in the human heart the sense of burn-
ing indignation against moral evil, — against selfish-
ness, against injustice, against untruth, in ourselves
as well as in others. That is as much a part of the
Christian as of the Jewish dispensation. In this case,
the severe curse of the Psalm on which Chrysostom
comments is still true. "Do not I hate them that
hate thee? yea, I hate them with a perfect hatred,
even as though they were mine enemies." It is im-
portant to divide between the evil principle and the
person in whose mixed character the evil is found.
To make such a distinction is one main peculiarity
of the Gospel. But it is also important to hate the
evil with an undivided and perfect hatred. "A good
hater" in this sense, is a character required alike
by the Gospel and the Law. And the evil, which, ac-
cording to the imperfect twilight of those times, was
confounded with those in whom it was personified,
was one which even at this distance we see to have
been of portentious magnitude. It has been well
shown that the results of the discipline of the Jew-
ish nation may be summed up in two points, — a
settled national belief in the unity and spirituality of
God, and an acknowledgement of the paramount im-
portance of purity, as a part of morality; and further,
that these two ideas are cardinal points in the edu-
cation of the world. It was these two points espe-
cially which were endangered by the contact and
contamination of the idolatry and the sensuality of
Phœnician tribes. "It is better" — so spoke a theo-
logian of no fanatical tendency, in a strain, it may be,
of excessive, but still of noble indignation — "it is
better that the wicked should be destroyed a hun-
dred times over than that they should tempt those
who are as yet innocent to join their company.
Let us but think what might have been our fate,
and the fate of every other nation under heaven at
this hour, had the sword of the Israelites done its
work more sparingly. Even as it was, the small
portions of the Canaanites who were left, and the
nations around them, so tempted the Israelites by
their idolatrous practices, that we read continually
of the whole people of God turning away from his
service. But had the heathen lived in the land in
equal numbers, and, still more, had they intermar-
ried largely with the Israelites, how was it possible,
humanly speaking, that any sparks of the light of
God's truth should have survived to the coming of
Christ? Would not the Israelites have lost all their
peculiar character? and if they had retained the
name of Jehovah as of their God, would they not
have formed as unworthy notions of his attributes,
and worshipped with a worship as abominable,
as that which the Moabites paid to Chemosh, or
the Philistines to Dagon?
"But this was not to be, and therefore the nations
of Canaan were to be cut off utterly. The Israel-
ites' sword, in its bloodiest executions, wrought a
work of mercy for all the countries of the earth to
the very end of the world. They seem of very
small importance to us now, those perpetual contests
with the Canaanites, and the Midianites, and the
Ammonites, and the Philistines, with which the Books
of Joshua and Judges and Samuel are almost filled.
We may half wonder that God should have inter-
fered in such quarrels, or have changed the course
of nature, in order to give one of the nations of
Palestine the victory over another. But in these
contests, on the fate of one of these nations of Pal-
estine, the happiness of the human race depended.
The Israelites fought not for themselves only, but
for us. It might follow that they should thus be
accounted the enemies of all mankind, — it might
be that they were tempted by their very distinct-
ness to despise other nations; still they did God's
work, — still they preserved unhurt the seed of
eternal life, and were the ministers of blessing to
all other nations, even though they themselves failed
to enjoy it."
from The History of the Jewish Church, Vol. I : Abraham to Samuel,
Lecture XI: The conquest of Western Palestine — Battle of Beth-horon
by Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D.D., Dean of Westminster
Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1879, pp. 266-285
Posted Apr 26, 2018, 8:56 PM UTC · edited
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