Lecture IV: Israel in Egypt (part 2)
by Arthur Penrhyn Stanly, D.D.
2. There was yet another form of idolatry, never
out of sight in Egypt, and brought out with immense
force in the whole Mosaic description. What
were the dynasties that ruled at that time over
the valley of the Nile, one or many, we need not
determine. But the name of "Pharaoh" clearly ex-
presses that the same virtue of regal consecration ran
through them all; and the name of "Rameses," as
applied to one of the treasure cities built by the
Israelites, implies, with very great probability, that
this name had already become famous amongst the
Egyptian kings. The statue, found near the ruins
of what is almost certainly the site of Rameses, points
without to the second of that name. What then
were the Pharaohs collectively in the eyes of the na-
tion? and what was Rameses in particular? and what
above all, was Rameses II? We often hear it said
that Egypt was governed by a theocracy; that is, as
the word is meant when so applied, by a priestly
caste. This is not the answer given by her own au-
thentic monuments. Who is the colossal figure that sits,
repeated gain and again, at the entrance of every
temple? Who is it that rides in his chariot, leading
diminutive nations captive behind him? To whom is
it, that, in the frontispiece of every gateway, the gods
give the falchion of destruction, with the command
to "Slay, and slay, and slay"? Whose sculptured im-
age, in the interior of the Temple, is it that we see
brought into the most familiar relations with the highest
powers, equal in form and majesty, suckled by the
greatest goddess, fondled by the greatest god, sitting
beside them, arm entwined with arm, in the recesses
of the most holy place? It is no priest, or prophet,
or magician, or saint, but the King only — the Pha-
raoh, the Child of the Sun, the Beloved of Ammon.
And, if there is one king who towers above
all the rest in all the long succession, it is he whose
name first dimly appears to us in the history of
the Exodus, the great Rameses, the Sesostris of
of the classical writers. As of all objects of idolatry
in the natural world of those early times, the stars
and sun were the most overwhelming in their fas-
cination, so in all the world of man, there was noth-
ing to be compared to those mighty kings, least
of all to the mighty conqueror who has left his traces
throughout all the haunts of ancient civilization
in Asia, and from end to end of his own country.
With a certainty beyond that with which Alexander
was acknowledged as the greatest sovereign of the
Grecian, or Cæsar of the Roman world, must Rameses
II have been hailed or feared as the hero of the pri-
meval age before Greece and Rome were born. His
very form and face are before us, with a vividness
which belongs only to these colossal representations,
that refuse to be forgotten. We see his profound yet
scornful repose, expressed both in countenance and
attitude. We see the long profile, majestic and beau-
tiful beyond any of his successors or predecessors.
We even see the peculiar curl of his nostrils, and the
fall of his under lip. Such was the Pharaoh who
must have looked down on the Israelite sojourners
during some one period or generation of their stay
in Egypt, probably during the time of their oppres-
sion.
And such, not in detail but in its general outline,
is the image presented to us by the Pharaoh
of Scripture. There is no other king of the Patri-
archal times represented as nearly on the same level.
Nimrod the mighty hunter has been indeed invested,
by Oriental tradition — perhaps he appears in Assy-
rian sculptures — with something of the same sanctity
and majesty. But he does not so appear in any part
of the Sacred narrative. Pharaoh is the only poten-
tate whom Abraham and Jacob alike approach with
awful reverence. From Joseph and from Moses alike,
whether as friend or foe, he commands the submissive
respect of a subject who can of himself do nothing
against the royal will. "What God is about to do
"He showeth unto Pharaoh." "I am of uncircumcised
lips, and how shall Pharaoh hearken unto me?"
The supreme oath, by which safety of person and
property is secured, is "By the life of Pharaoh."
King-like and priest-like, he stands by the side of the
sacred river, and sees in visions the good and evil
fortunes of Egypt coming up from its stream. At
sunrise he goes out to look upon its beneficent wa-
ters, as if it were all his own. At a word he sum-
mons princes, and priests, and magicians, and wise
men, and interpreters around him. at a word he
plants a stranger over his people. "See, I have set
thee over all the land of Egypt. . . . I am Pharaoh,
and without thee shall no man lift up his hand or
his foot in all the land of Egypt." And when the
last great struggle comes on between his power and
that of a Greater than himself, it is the struggle rather
of a god against the Lord, than of a man against a
man. He has hardened his heart like the Indian Ke-
hama, rather than like a mortal prince of modern
days. If there were any prouder state or loftier dream
in the primeval monarchies of Central Asia, it is re-
markable that the Eastern traditions of the Exodus
merge them in the person of the Egyptian sovereign;
and in the Mahometan version of the Exodus, Nimrod
and Pharaoh, the builder of the tower of Babel and
the builder of the Pyramids, are blended together in
one and the same gigantic, self-sufficing, God-defying
king. He stands with one foot on each of the two
great Pyramids, and darts his spear into the sky in
the hope of killing the Divine Adversary, who from
the unseen heavens laughs him to scorn. If we take
the Pharaoh of Scripture from first to last, still the
awful impression remains the same. "Say unto Pha-
raoh," was the language even of one of the latest
Prophets, how much more of these earlier times, —
"say unto Pharaoh, Whom art thou like in thy great-
ness?" Those who had lain prostrate under such a
monarchy would feel doubly the contrast of the free-
dom into which they were called. The Exodus was
a deliverance, not only from idolatry of false divinities,
but from the idolatry of human strength and tyranny.
In the long democracy of Israel, and the hesitation
with which that democracy, "where every man did
what was right in his own eyes," was exchanged
even for the monarchy which was to produce a David
and a Solomon, we see the protest against the awful
form of government which had once bowed them
down.
The evils of this ambiguous and degrade state fast
developed themselves. The old freedom, the old en-
ergy, above all, the old religion, of the Patriarchal age
faded away. Not in the Pentateuch, but in the later
books, the participation of Israel in the idolatry of
Egypt is expressly stated. "Your fathers served other
gods. . . in Egypt." "They forsook not the idols
in Egypt." The Sabbath, if it had existed in some
shape amongst their fathers, as seems likely, was for-
gotten; the rite of circumcision, by which the cove-
nant with God had been made, fell into disuse; its
loss became a reproach in the eyes even of their
Egyptian masters, to whom, as to the rest of the an-
cient Eastern world, it was a necessary sign of all
cleanliness and of all civilization. Like slaves, too,
like all those wandering populations which hang at
the gates of nations or classes more wealthy and more
stable than themselves, they learned to cling with a
kind of sensual affection to the land of their bondage,
to the green meadows of the Nile valley, to "the
flesh-pots, and melons, and cucumbers, and onions,"
which it gave them in profusion; to the land "where
they sowed their seed and watered it with their
foot, as a garden of herbs." We shall have to bear
this in mind during their whole subsequent history,
in order to appreciate both the necessity and the ef-
fect of the vicissitudes which were dispensed to them.
The bare Desert and the bald hills of Palestine formed
a wholesome and perpetual contrast to the magnifi-
cence and the fertility of Egypt. They formed, as it
were, a natural Monasticism, a natural Puritanism, —
in which the luxuries, and the superstitions, and the
barbarism of their servile state were set aside by
sterner and higher influences. But they were always
taught, with pathetic earnestness, never to forget, nay
even, in a certain sense, to feel for and with, the
condition of slavery which had been their original
portion. "Remember that thou was a 'slave' in the
land of Egypt." On this recollection, as on an im-
movable thought never to be erased from their minds,
are made to repose even the great institutions of the
Sabbath and the Jubilee.
3. There were two other traces of their dependent
position in Egypt, which may be noticed as
having left indelible marks both on their records and
those of the nation which cast them out. One is
the disease of leprosy, — which for the first time
appears after the stay in Egypt, — is it too much
to suppose? — generated by the habits incident to
their depressed state and crowded population. In the
Israelite annals it appears only in individual though
most significant instances, — the hand of Moses, the
face of Miriam. But the severe provisions of the Le-
vitical law imply its wider spread; and in the Egyp-
tian traditions the remembrance, as was natural, took
a stronger and more general color of aversion and
disgust, and represented the whole people as a nation
of lepers, cast out on that account.
4. The other relic of repugnance between the two
races, though slight in itself, is both more
deeply seated in their original diversity of
customs, and more lasting in its results. There is one
animal which, even more than the camel, is from first
to last identified with the history of Israel. With
he-asses and she-asses Abraham returned from Egypt;
with the ass Abraham went up with Isaac to the
sacrifice; on asses Joseph's brethren came thither;
on an ass Moses set his wife and his sons on his
return from Arabia to Egypt; an old man seated on
an ass was the likeness of him which, according to
gentile traditions, his countrymen delighted to honor.
On white asses or mules, through the whole period
of the early history till their first contact with
foreign nations in the reign of Solomon, their princes
rode in state; the prophecy, fulfilled in the close of
their history, was that "their King should come
riding on an ass, and a colt the foal of an ass." It
was the long-continued mark of their ancient, pas-
toral, simple condition. The rival horse came into
Palestine slowly and unlawfully, and was always spoken
of as the sign of the pride and power of Egypt; in
the funeral procession of Jacob the chariots and horses
of Egypt are specially contrasted with the asses of
the sons of Israel; they who in later times put their
trust in Egypt founded that trust in her chariots and
horses. But we know not only the Israelite, but the
Egyptian feeling also. Whilst on the Theban monu-
ments the war-horse is always at hand, the ass, in
their minds, was regarded as the exclusive, the con-
temned symbol of the nomadic race who had left
them. On asses they were described as flying from
Egypt; asses, it was believed, had guided them
through the desert; in the Holy of Holies (to such
a pitch of exaggeration was the story carried) the
mysterious object of Jewish worship was held to be
an ass's head; and so deeply and so generally was
this persuasion communicated to the heathen world,
that when a new Jewish sect, as it was thought, arose
under the name of "Christian," the favorite theme of
reproach and of caricature was that they worshipped
in like manner an ass, the son of an ass, even on the
Cross itself. So long and far were the effects visible
of this primitive diversity between the civilized king-
dom of the Pharaohs and the pastoral tribe of the land
of Goshen. So innocent was the occasion of this long-
standing calumny, — a calumny not of generations or
centuries, but of milleniums' growth before it was
dispelled; perhaps the most remarkable of all the
many like slanders and fables invented, in the course
of ecclesiastical history, by the bitterness of national
or theological hatred.
5. Such are some of the points, greater or smaller,
of lasting antagonism which their original relations
left between Egypt and Israel. But there are
also points of contact. It would be against
the analogy of the whole history, to suppose that this
long period was wasted in its effect on the mind of
the Chosen People; that the same Divine Providence
which in later times drew new truths out of the Chal-
dæan captivity for the Jewish Church, out of the
Grecian philosophy and the Roman law for the
Christian Church, should have made no use of the
greatness of Egypt in this first and most important
stage of the education of Israel.
We need not go to heathen records for the assur-
ance that Moses was learned in all the wisdom of
"the Egyptians." Whatever that wisdom was, we can
not doubt it was turned to its own good purpose in
the laws through him revealed to the people of God.
The very minuteness of the law implies a stage of
existence different to that in which the Patriarchs
had lived, but like to that in which we know that
the Egyptians lived. The forms of some of the most
solemn sacrifices — as, for example, the scapegoat —
are almost identical. The white linen dresses of the
priests, the Urim and the Thummim on the high-priest's
breast-late, are, to all appearances, derived from the
same source as the analogous emblems amongst the
Egyptians. The sacred ark, as portrayed on the
monuments, can hardly fail to have some relation to
that which was borne by the Levites at the head of
the host, and which was finally enshrined in the Tem-
ple. The Temple, at least in some of its most re-
markable features, — its courts, its successive chambers,
and its adytum, or Holy of Holies, — is more like those
of Egypt than any other of the ancient world with
which we are acquainted. In these and in many
other instances we may fairly trace a true affiliation
of such outward customs and forms, as in like manner,
at a later period, the Christian Church took from the
Pagan ritual of the empire in which it had sojourned
for its four hundred years. It is but an expansion
of the one fact which has always arrested the atten-
tion of the commentators, and which in its widest sense
is a salutary warning against despising the greatness
and the wisdom of the heathen.
"This world of thine, by him usurp'd too long,
Now opens all her stores to heal thy servants' wrong."
Rachel carried off her father's teraphim from Meso-
potamia; the wives and daughters of Israel carried off
from Egypt the sacred gems and vestments, which
afterwards served to adorn the priestly services of the
Tabernacle. "When ye go, ye shall not go empty
But every woman shall borrow of her neighbour . . .
jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment, and
ye shall put them upon your sons and upon your
daughters. . . . And the Lord gave the people
favour in the sight of the Egyptians, so that they
lent unto them such things as they required, and
they spoiled the Egyptians."
Yet the contrast was always greater than the like-
ness. When we survey the vast array of an-
cient ideas represented to us in the Egyptian
temples and sepulchres, the thought forced upon us is
rather of the fewness than of the frequency of illus-
trations which they furnish. Of this absence of in-
fluence perhaps the most remarkable instance lies in
the fact that whilst the Egyptian sculptures abound
with representations of the future state, and of the
judgment after death, the Jewish Scriptures, at least
in the Pentateuch, abstain almost entirely from any
direct or distinct mention of either. A wider connec-
tion, indeed, might be maintained if we could trust
the later descriptions of Egyptian theology and philos-
ophy. It was strongly believed in the Greek schools
of Alexandria, that behind the multitude of forms,
human divine, bestial, grotesque, which filled the
Egyptian shrines, there was yet in the minds of the
sacred and the learned few a deep-seated belief in
One Supreme Intelligence, and thus the distinguishing
mark of the Mosaic Revelation would have been, not
so much that it disclosed and insisted on this funda-
mental truth, but that what had been hitherto confined
to a priestly caste was for the first time made the com-
mon property of a whole people. Such may possibly
have been the case. But it is not the natural impres-
sion left by the monuments. The crowd of gods and
goddesses, above all, the overwhelming deification of
the Pharaohs, of which I have before spoken, seems
almost impossible to reconcile with any strong Mono-
theistic belief in Egypt, however far withdrawn into
the recesses of schools or priesthoods. One ever-re-
curring symbol, however, of such a belief appears in
color and sculpture on the Egyptian monuments, as in
the Hebrew records it appears also both in word and
act. Everywhere, but especially under the portal of
every Temple, are stretched out the wide-spread wings,
— blue, as if with the cloudless blue of the overarch-
ing heavens, — covering the sanctuary, as if with the
shelter of some invisible protector. This may be the
accidental recurrence of the symbol simply and naturally
expressive of a beneficent overruling Power. But it
is the nearest authentic approach which the Egyptian
monuments furnish to such an idea. It is the image
to which, in one sublime passage, at least, the Divine
presence is directly compared, "as it were a paved work
of a sapphire stone, as it were the body of heaven in
his clearness." It is an exact likeness of the wings
which formed the covering of the ark in the Taber-
nacle and the Temple, — of the feeling which has been
made immortal in the words, "Under the shadow of
Thy wings shall be my refuge."
from The History of the Jewish Church, Vol. I : Abraham to Samuel,
Lecture IV: Israel in Egypt
by Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D.D., Dean of Westminster
Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1879, pp. 98-109
Posted Jun 24, 2018, 4:59 AM UTC
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